Depathologization of Homosexuality: The Defeat of Science
How Violence and Corruption Changed the History of Homosexuality

Depathologization of Homosexuality: The Defeat of Science
How Violence and Corruption Changed the History of Homosexuality
Written by Dr. Silvia Rivi
Date: January 15, 2025
INDEX
INTRODUCTION
WHAT HAPPENED
THE BEGINNING OF THE TERROR
THE CHARGES AGAINST THE APA
AN OPERATION BY THE BOOK
THE FAULTS OF THE APA
THE REFERENDUM
THE FAKE DELETION OF HOMOSEXUALITY
A POLITICALLY CORRECT DECISION
THE REAL DELETION OF HOMOSEXUALITY
VOICES CRYING IN THE DESERT
AND NOW?
SOURCES
INTRODUCTION
It was 1974, and a sensational news story broke: the American Psychiatric Association (APA) Commission removed homosexuality from the list of mental disorders. Until then, homosexuality had been considered a disorder and was mentioned in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), one of the world's most authoritative manuals of mental disorders. However, it did not go exactly like that. In fact, the APA's 1974 decision did not completely remove homosexuality from the DSM, which remained in the form of egodystonic homosexuality, that is, if it caused distress to the person. The total deletion from the manual had to wait until 1987.
WHAT HAPPENED
In the 1970s in the United States, the nascent gay rights movement had an extremely ambitious plan: the normalization of the homosexual lifestyle, and it would stop at nothing to achieve this goal. First, there was a serious problem: the fact that homosexuality was considered a mental disorder. At that time, it was among the disorders in the DSM, and pathological behavior is difficult to pass off as normal in people's eyes. As testified by Frank Kameny, one of the pioneers of the gay rights movement: "I think the entire homosexual movement... will stand or fall on the question of whether or not homosexuality is a disease and on our firm position on it." Barbara Gittings, a lesbian activist, eloquently testified: "It’s hard to explain to anyone who didn’t live through that period how much homosexuality was under the control of psychiatry. The disease label was a millstone around the neck of our early gay rights groups: it infected all our work on other issues." Yet on another occasion: "The disease issue was paramount." How to get around the problem? Simple: remove homosexuality from the DSM.
THE BEGINNING OF THE TERROR
The campaign of terror against the APA began in 1970 during a conference of psychiatrists in San Francisco, whose theme was "Transsexuals and Homosexuals." Just before the start of the meeting, a group of homosexual activists from the Gay Liberation Front and other political militants burst into the room and threatened not to let the conference start unless the activists could participate. After giving in to the blackmail, the conference could finally begin, but the discussion could not develop, as the homosexual militants did not allow the psychiatrists to utter a word. The agitators seized the opportunity to vent all the rancor they had towards the psychiatrists and to claim their rights. As testified by Donn Teal, founder of the Gay Activists Alliance, in the book "The Gay Militants": "On May 14, 1970, the psychiatrists became the persecuted. An invasion by the coalition of 'gay' and women's liberationists disrupted the national convention of the American Psychiatric Association in San Francisco to protest the reading of a paper by an Australian psychiatrist on the subject of 'aversion therapy'... When the meeting was over, the feminists and their gay cohorts were in charge."
THE CHARGES AGAINST THE APA
One might wonder why the homosexual community felt oppressed and discriminated against by the APA. For a simple reason: the militants were convinced that the position of the psychiatrists was dictated by prejudices and not by scientific rigor. Nothing could be further from the truth! Indeed, the scientific literature has always been rich in valid and reliable demonstrations of the pathological origin of homosexuality, the serious damages this lifestyle causes to health, and the possibility of changing unwanted homosexual orientation, such as through reparative therapies. Despite this, the activists accused psychiatry of fomenting discrimination against homosexuals. According to them, considering homosexuality a pathology was equivalent to stigmatizing homosexuals as "mentally ill" and therefore legitimizing discrimination against them. The solution? Do not consider homosexuality a mental disorder. Let's reflect for a moment on these considerations. First of all, the only ones defining homosexuals as "mentally ill" are the homosexuals themselves, to create a caricature of their opponents. As if that were not enough, this definition is scientifically incorrect, because homosexuality has a psychological origin, not an organic one, so it cannot be called a disease, but a disorder (indeed, psychiatric diagnostic manuals list disorders, not diseases). Moreover, according to reparative theories, homosexuality itself is not considered pathological, but is seen as a symptom of a disorder linked to gender identity. Second, the diagnosis of any mental disorder is in itself a source of social stigma; what would then be the solution? Remove all disorders from the manuals and thus prevent people from receiving the necessary treatments to feel good? Wouldn't it be preferable to change society's approach to mental disorders? The claims of homosexuals were driven more by fear than by scientific evidence. Despite this, the agitators achieved their goal, influencing the upper echelons of the APA. In particular, they targeted the Commission on Nomenclature and Statistics of the American Psychiatric Association, which had the power to change the nomenclature of the DSM.
AN OPERATION BY THE MANUAL
As we can see, various groups of homosexual activists influenced the decision of the American Psychiatric Association in a not at all peaceful way, resorting to violence and intimidation in order to achieve their goal. In particular, their conduct reveals a plan of action that was anything but improvised, but rather prepared in an extremely meticulous and militaristic manner. It is not an exaggeration to define it as such, as the activists were inspired by none other than Mein Kampf! This is the testimony of Eric Pollard in this regard (former member and co-founder of the militant homosexual organization ACT-UP/DC) who in 1991 declared: "I helped create a truly fascist organization. We conspired to give life to a group of activists who ... could effectively exploit the media for their own purposes, and who would work in secret and break the law with impunity... We consciously subscribed to subversive methods, largely drawn from the voluminous Mein Kampf, which some of us had studied as an operational model. As ACT-UP/DC grew, we struck insistently and surgically at any institution we deemed to be obstructing our path." This modus operandi of homosexual militancy is not an exception, but the rule. Always following in the footsteps of Pollard, in the 1990s the volume "After the ball. How America will conquer its fear & hatred of Gays in the 90’s" was published, written by Marshall Kirk ("researcher in neuropsychiatry, logician-mathematician and poet") and Hunter Madsen ("expert in public persuasion tactics and social marketing"), who exploited the AIDS plague to move public compassion towards the homosexual cause. The purpose of the manual is to teach homosexual people various strategies to use to manipulate public opinion, such as the so-called "8 practical principles" for persuading the population through the mass media. In these principles it is explicitly written to silence anyone who opposes the homosexual cause, to portray opponents as oppressors and gays as victims and much more. Also attached is a "Social Self-Control Code" that includes "rules" to maintain a sober public image and to hide the sexually unrestrained gay lifestyle. For example, we find rules such as "I will not have sex in public, I will absolutely not use drugs, I will not cheat on my partner, if I am a pedophile or a masochist I will keep it hidden and stay away from Gay Pride parades" and so on. The tactics described by Kirk and Madsen are very similar to those used by dictatorial systems: lie, engage in relentless propaganda, manipulate the media, invent slanders against opponents and silence anyone who disapproves of the homosexual lifestyle.
THE FAULTS OF THE APA
In this way, the lies and threats of militant homosexuals were the external forces that struck the American Psychiatric Association. However, this does not explain why their unreasonable demands were accommodated, nor how this was allowed by the APA. The answer is very simple: the APA itself gave a helping hand to the activists. As mentioned at the beginning, in addition to external pressures, internal forces within the APA also contributed to the change. These forces consisted mainly of gay psychiatrists, who had an interest in removing homosexuality from the list of mental disorders in order to lead the gay lifestyle in complete freedom and with a clear conscience, but also of heterosexual colleagues who had taken the homosexual cause to heart. In particular, some members of the APA played a crucial role, such as the homosexual psychiatrist John P. Spiegel, who in 1973 was elected president of the American Psychiatric Association. As testified by his niece Alix Spiegel in an interview: "... When I was young, the family legend was that my grandfather, president of the American Psychiatric Association, single-handedly changed the DSM because he was a visionary with a big heart, a man free of prejudices who worked for the oppressed. This story was wrong for two reasons: (a) my grandfather was not president of the American Psychiatric Association in 1973, he was president-elect; (b) he did not change anything alone ... It turned out that my grandfather had had gay lovers all his life, he had even told his future wife that he was homosexual, two weeks before their wedding. And so in 1981 the story that my family told about the definition in the DSM changed dramatically. My grandfather was no longer seen as a purely enlightened visionary, but as a closeted homosexual with a very particular agenda." An agenda that also aimed to indoctrinate new generations of psychiatrists, whom Spiegel carefully selected. So continues the niece: "The young turks" (as Spiegel referred to the young psychiatrists) were all psychiatrists, all members of the APA and all liberally minded who had decided to reform the American Psychiatric Association from within ... They thought that once this new breed had risen to power they would be able to radically transform American psychiatry. And one of the things that this group was eager to transform was the American psychiatry's approach to homosexuality." Another example is the testimony of Dr. Jeffrey Satinover, who, as he writes in his book Homosexuality and the Politics of Truth, recounts having attended a conference in England in 1994 and having met a member of the APA who confided important information to him that he had never confessed to anyone else: "He had been gay for years, but had abandoned the lifestyle. He recounted how after the APA's 1973 decision he and his lover, along with a certain very high official on the APA's Board of Directors and his lover, all sat in the official's apartment to celebrate their victory. Because among the gay activists in high positions within the APA, who maneuvered to ensure a victory, was this man, who was corrupting from above what had been presented to both the members and the public as a disinterested pursuit of truth." Moreover, it was precisely the homosexual members of the APA who let the agitators into the famous APA convention in San Francisco in 1970. So recounts Gary Allender, one of the gay agitators: "As far as I can remember, there were evidently gay and lesbian people hidden inside the APA who wanted something to happen and I think they simply passed on the information, and someone got us press passes, I believe, so we could enter through the main door." The gay members of the APA kept their homosexuality hidden, as at the time anyone who publicly declared themselves homosexual could not work in psychiatry. Despite this, gay psychiatrists began to informally associate at APA meetings in an apparatus hidden by them called GayPA and it was precisely at one of these meetings that the decisive act of the "homosexual conquest" took place. Ronald Gold, a member of the Gay Activist Alliance, played a decisive role in winning over a bigwig of the APA, Dr. Robert Spitzer. Spitzer was a heterosexual psychiatrist who started from a pathological view of homosexuality, being a member of the Nomenclature and Statistics Commission of the APA (precisely the one with the power to change the DSM). Gold met him at a conference on behavioral therapy where the activist managed to capture Spitzer's attention thanks to his intervention against the aforementioned therapy. The doctor decided to listen to Gold's protests about the approach to homosexuality and later even sponsored his presence at an APA convention. The turning point came in December 1973, at the APA meeting in Honolulu. Spitzer was sincerely convinced that there were no homosexual colleagues in the association and Golden, to prove him wrong, invited him to the annual GayPA meeting at a local gay bar. That evening the doctor had two reasons to be surprised: firstly when he discovered at this meeting several representatives of American psychology (including many employees at the top of major university chairs and the economic organization), secondly when a young gay psychiatrist entered the venue who (although he claimed he had never entered a gay bar) found himself precisely in that venue and, throwing himself directly into Spitzer's arms, declared crying that he had finally accepted his homosexuality, until then repressed, after hearing Golden's speech at the conference. The result of this series of events was that Spitzer became convinced that removing homosexuality from the list of mental disorders would help remove the stigma on homosexual people and improve their living conditions. The psychiatrist wasted no time and that very evening wrote the proposal to change the DSM. Thus at the end of 1973 a meeting was convened to discuss the declassification of homosexuality from the DSM.
THE REFERENDUM
During the meeting, Dr. Spitzer had a paper prepared by the National Institute of Mental Health (NIHM) Task Force on Homosexuality presented, according to which the NIHM proposed to eliminate homosexuality from the list of mental disorders. The Task Force project was described by psychologist Evelyn Hooker, a political activist of the American left, and included among its members psychiatrist Judd Marmor (famous for his pacifist and abortionist positions) and two collaborators of Alfred C. Kinsey, Paul Gebhard and John Money (a great supporter of what would later become gender theory). The conclusions of the Task Force, which Spitzer endorsed, suggested eliminating homosexuality from the list of mental disorders, exclusively based on Kinsey's work and two research studies: the first by Eli Robins and Marcel Saghir and the second (not cited either by Spitzer or the NIHM) by Hooker herself. However, the studies cited are riddled with errors, in fact the misuse of tools and the too small and unrepresentative samples of the population are just some of the serious limitations that invalidate the scientific value of the research cited by the NIHM. In a nutshell, they were worthless. Moreover, it is essential to remember that Kinsey (cited by the NIHM) was a famous supporter of pedophilia and even conducted sexual experiments on children as young as 5 months. To top it all off, the NIHM ignored the wealth of studies (valid and reliable) that confirm the pathological origin of homosexuality. But the worst was yet to come, because in April 1974 the issue was decided in the most unscientific way possible, namely by voting. The change that marked the lives of thousands of people depended on a referendum. Unfortunately, the scandal did not end there: against all procedures, just before the referendum, every member of the APA Commission received a letter signed by two vice presidents and three presidential candidates of the organization, in which the voters were asked to vote YES to the referendum, because: "It would be a potentially embarrassing step for our profession to vote against a decision that was made after serious and deep considerations by the internal bodies of our organization tasked with this duty." Indeed, changing one of the most important diagnostic manuals in the world by voting and on the basis of worthless paper does honor to the profession. Later it was discovered, as one might imagine, that the letters had been written by Spitzer and Ronald Gold, who had obtained the APA's addresses behind the scenes and had taken on the entire cost of shipping. The result of the referendum? The YES obtained the majority.
THE FAKE DELETION OF HOMOSEXUALITY
So was homosexuality removed from the DSM, right? No, homosexuality did not disappear at all. It remained, only in the form of egodystonic: that is, if it was unwanted and caused distress to the person. Egodystonic homosexuality was indicated as disorder 302.9 and was classified as "Sexual disorder not otherwise specified." This definition remained to allow people who were living in distress due to their homosexuality to have therapeutic support. But officially how was this choice justified? Two official reasons were found: to eliminate the supposed "stigma of infamy" of homosexuals due to their condition considered pathological and, above all, because homosexuality did not meet the criteria to be considered a psychiatric disorder. Now it is necessary to emphasize the fact that not considering homosexuality a disorder did not mean admitting that it was healthy, nor to be considered "normal" like heterosexuality! Regarding what was stated, here is the testimony of Dr. Joseph Berger, a member emeritus of the APA: "What most people are not aware of is that when a group of the American Psychiatric Association initially proposed the removal of homosexuality from the DSM in 1973, it was made very clear in the 'protocol' that the removal was simply a response to those homosexuals who claimed to suffer a stigma of infamy because homosexuality was included among psychiatric disorders. It was stated very clearly that the proposed removal did not intend to be a scientific statement about homosexuality itself." The concept was reiterated by Spitzer in protocol number 730008, drafted at the end of 1973, precisely the protocol cited by Berger: "Our profession must not agree at this time on its origin, meaning, and value for human happiness since it does not meet the requirements for [being considered] a psychiatric disorder. Similarly, by not listing it as a psychiatric disorder, we are not saying that it is 'normal' or as positive as heterosexuality. ... What will be the effect of the current proposal [to remove homosexuality from diagnostic manuals]? Undoubtedly, homosexual activist groups will claim that psychiatry has finally recognized that homosexuality is as 'normal' as heterosexuality. They would be wrong. By removing homosexuality from the nomenclature, we are only recognizing that it does not meet the criteria to be considered a psychiatric disorder. In no way are we aligning ourselves with any point of view regarding the etiology or desirability of human behavior." Naturally, what Spitzer said about the lack of unanimity on considering homosexuality pathological did not correspond to reality, as the scientific literature had always demonstrated the pathological origin of homosexuality. By chance, this clarification was beautifully ignored, or, as Berger denounces: "As often happens, that distinction was forgotten by the next generation, which has now come to believe or has been 'programmed' to believe - that the APA was actually making a scientific statement about the 'normality' of homosexuality - and implicitly about its irreversibility".
A POLITICALLY CORRECT DECISION
This choice was passed off to the public as the victory of scientific progress and inclusion, however the scientific community knew well how things really were. Dr. Irving Bieber's comment was striking: "It is really not defensible that the new official position regarding homosexuality is a victory for science. It is not reasonable to vote on scientific issues any more than it is to vote on the issue of whether the world is flat or round." Again Ronald Bayer, a psychiatrist sympathetic to the homosexual cause and a witness to the events, remarked how: "The APA was a victim of the upheavals of a tumultuous era, when destabilizing conflicts threatened to politicize every aspect of American social life. A furious egalitarianism, which questioned every argument advanced by authority, had pushed experts in psychiatry to negotiate the pathological status of homosexuality with the homosexuals themselves. The outcome reached was not a conclusion based on an approximation of scientific truths dictated by reason, but an ideologically dictated action dictated by the times." Always Bayer, continued affirming: "It is good to remember that in the end only a third of those entitled voted on the change proposal and that the amendment passed not based on evidence of a scientific nature, but only to end the campaign of terror carried out by gay activists." Even the most liberal members were dismayed by what happened. As psychologists Rogers H. Wright and Nicholas A. Cummings objected: "The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of the American Psychiatric Association suddenly and completely gave in to political pressures when in 1973 it removed homosexuality as a treatable aberrant condition. A political storm had been created by gay activists within psychiatry, with intense opposition to the normalization of homosexuality coming from some psychiatrists who had been demonized and even threatened, rather than scientifically refuted. The House of Delegates of Psychiatry avoided the conflict by submitting the issue to the vote of the members, marking the first time in the history of healthcare that a diagnosis or lack of diagnosis was decided by popular vote rather than by scientific evidence." Even prominent figures in the homosexual world admitted the ideological nature of the APA's decision. For example, gay activist and neuroscientist Simon LeVay stated that: "Gay activism was clearly the force that pushed the APA to downgrade homosexuality." Or gay activist and writer Jeffrey Weeks wrote that: "The American Psychiatric Association's decision to remove homosexuality from its published list of sexual disorders in 1973 was certainly not a cold and scientific decision. It was a response to a political campaign fueled by the belief that its original inclusion as a disorder was a reflection of a politically-medical oppressive definition of homosexuality as a problem." Again, in the book Making History: The Struggle for Gay and Lesbian Equal Rights: 1945-1990: An Oral History, lesbian partners Kay Lahusen and Barbara Gittings confirmed what was reported above: LAHUSEN: "It was always more of a political decision than a medical decision." GITTINGS: "It was never a medical decision, and that's why I think the action came so quickly. After all, it was only three years from the time when feminists and gays first annihilated the APA during a session on behavioral therapy until the time when the Board of Trustees voted in 1973 to approve the removal of homosexuality from the list of mental disorders. It was a political move."
THE REAL DELETION OF HOMOSEXUALITY
Despite this enormous milestone, homosexual psychiatrists went further, eliminating even the egodystonic form of homosexuality from the DSM. Thus in 1987 the revision of the 3rd version of the DSM was reached, from which all reference to homosexuality, even in its egodystonic version, disappeared. As testified by Alix Spiegel: "Today there is no entry in the DSM on homosexuality, no entry. In 1987 the 237 words that Robert Spitzer wrote on egodystonic homosexuality were silently removed." Homosexual activists had succeeded! They had managed to remove homosexuality from the list of mental disorders and thus paved the way for the acceptance of homosexuality by society. As testified by Dr. Charles W. Socarides, a member of the APA: "For the next 18 years, the APA's decision served as a Trojan Horse, opening the doors to a widespread psychological and social change in customs and sexual habits. The decision would be used on numerous occasions for numerous purposes with the aim of normalizing homosexuality and elevating it to a respected status."
VOICES CRYING IN THE DESERT
Not everyone remained silent. In fact, Socarides himself harshly reproached his colleagues by defining this decision as "psychiatric madness": "... The action [depathologization of homosexuality] was all the more remarkable considering that it involved the indifference and peremptory and thoughtless rejection not only of hundreds of psychiatric and psychoanalytic research reports and documents, but also of a series of other serious studies conducted by groups of psychiatrists, psychologists and educators over the last seventy years ... For the psychoanalyst, this was psychiatric madness." Perhaps the most devastating accusation was made by one of the most prestigious psychiatrists in the profession, Dr. Abram Kardiner, co-founder of the first psychoanalytic training school in the United States and former professor of psychiatry at Columbia University, who wrote that: "... Supporting the claims of homosexuals and considering homosexuality as a normal variant of sexual activity means denying the social meaning of homosexuality. To do this means giving support to the divisive elements in the community. Above all, it militates against the family and destroys the function of the latter as the last place in our society where affection can still be cultivated. Homosexuals cannot create a society, nor keep ours going for long. Homosexuality operates against the cohesive elements in society in the name of fictitious freedom. It pushes the opposite sex in a similar direction. And no society can withstand for long when the child is neglected or when the sexes are at war with each other." Dr. Kardiner continued to express his disapproval in a letter to the editors of Psychiatric News: "Those who strengthen the disintegrative elements in our society will receive no thanks from future generations. The family becomes the ultimate victim of homosexuality, an outcome that any society can only tolerate within certain limits. If the American Psychiatric Association approves one of the symptoms of social malaise as a normal phenomenon, it demonstrates to the public its ignorance of social dynamics, of the relationship between personal maladjustment and social disharmony, and thus acquires the responsibility of aggravating the existing chaos." Prophetic were the words of Dr. Kardiner, who died in 1981.
AND NOW?
This choice served as a starting point for gay lobbies to carry forward their plan of unquestioned acceptance of homosexuality by all of society. Just look around to see how true this is. The fundamental institutions of society, such as academic, scientific, political, media and family, are in the hands of gay lobbies and anyone who has something to say is silenced, just as Kirk and Madsen taught in the ‘90s. But has all this really been a good thing for homosexual people? The answer may surprise. In fact, the removal of homosexuality from the DSM has resulted in only one thing: the discrimination and violation of the rights of homosexual people. For example, the right to scientific reserve, expressly sanctioned by Article 27 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In a liberticidal climate like the one we live in, it is indeed difficult to study without ideological bias everything that concerns homosexuality. In this way, homosexual people are discriminated against, because their condition is not studied with the necessary scientific rigor that is instead reserved for any other psychological phenomenon. Another violated right is that of health and medical care, contemplated in Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: "Every individual has the right to a standard of living sufficient to ensure the health and well-being of himself and his family, with particular regard ... to medical care and the necessary social services." This right is violated every time people with unwanted homosexuality are prevented from accessing therapeutic treatments to change their unwanted sexual orientation, such as reparative therapy, which is a valid, reliable, ethical and effective therapy that helps homosexual people who live with deep psychological discomfort their condition and want to evaluate the possibility of changing their sexual orientation. Preventing access to a treatment that could improve the well-being of a person with unwanted homosexuality violates another fundamental right, namely the right to patient self-determination. Thus expresses the American Psychologist Association in the document entitled Answers to your question for a better understanding of sexual orientation and homosexuality: "Professional organizations for mental health call on their members to respect the client's right to self-determination." As if that were not enough, banning access to these therapies is contrary to the principle established by the WHO in 1948, which states: "Health is a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and does not consist only in the absence of disease or infirmity." For this reason, an intervention that improves the psychophysical, mental and social well-being of an individual is legitimate even in the absence of disease or disorder. However, in some countries, especially Anglo-Saxon ones, this therapy is expressly prohibited. As noted by lawyer Gianfranco Amato: "In this way, not only are mental health professionals who wish to help homosexual people criminalized, but paradoxically and unjustly the same homosexual people who ask for help are discriminated against." Here is what happens when personal interests and politics take the place of science. Some might object that with the achievements of gay rights, such as civil unions and "rainbow families," the quality of life of homosexual people has improved and that they are happier. In reality, the situation is not as idyllic as we are told, but this is a long discussion and deserves to be addressed at another time.
SOURCES
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American Psychiatric Association. (APA) (1968), DSM II. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. American Psychiatric Association Publishing.
3 Ibidem
4 American Psychiatric Association (APA) (1980), DSM III. Manuale diagnostico e statistico dei disturbi mentali, tr. it. Masson, Milano, 1983.
Disturbo 302.0. Cfr. Jack Drescher, Queer diagnoses: parallels and contrasts in the history of homosexuality, gender variance, and the diagnostic and statistical manual, in "Archives of sexual Behavior" n. 39, 2010, pp. 427- 460.
5 Ibidem
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7 Farkas Alessandra, Cavadini Federica, «L'omosessualità si può curare»>, "Corriere della Sera, 10/05/01; http://archivio storico.corriere.it/2001/ maggio/10/omosessualita_puo_curare_co_0_0105106999.shtml
Charles W. Socarides, (1995). A freedom too far. A psychoanalyst answer 1000 questions about causes and cure and the impact of the gay rights movement on american society
8 Ronald Bayer, Homosexuality and American Psychiatry (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), 3-4.
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9 “81 Words: The Inside Story of Psychiatry and Homosexuality (Part 1 of 2)”, on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Radio National program All in the Mind, August 4, 2007, http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/allinthemind/81-words-the-inside-story-of-psychiatry-and/3246684#transcript.
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11 Ibidem
12 American Psychiatric Association. (APA) (1952), DSM I. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. American Psychiatric Association Publishing.
American Psychiatric Association. (APA) (1968), DSM II. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. American Psychiatric Association Publishing.
13 Ibidem
14 “I feel that the entire homophile movement. . . is going to stand or fall upon the question of whether or not homosexuality is a sickness, and upon our taking a firm stand on it.” Kay Tobin and Randy Wicker, The Gay Crusaders (New York: Arno Press, 1972), citato in Ryan Sorba, “Homosexuality and Mental Health”, Ryan Sorba’s Blog, January 12, 2012, http://ryansorba.bogspot.com/.
15 “it’s difficult to explain to anyone who didn’t live through that time how much homosexuality was under the thumb of psychiatry. The sickness label was an albatross around the neck of our early gay rights groups—it infected all our work on other issues.” Brown (2011). A Queer Thing Happened to America: And What a Long, Strange Trip It's Been. Equaltime Books.
16 “The sickness issue was paramount.” Eric Marcus, Making History: The Struggle for Gay and Lesbian Equal Rights, 1945-1990: An Oral History (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), 221; cited by Ryan Sorba, Ryan Sorba’s Blog, January 12, 2012.
17 Donn Teal, The Gay Militants (New York: Stein and Day, 1971), 272-73.
“Panelists Recount Events Leading to Deleting Homosexuality as a Psychiatric Disorder from DSM”, Psychiatric News, accessed July 31, 2013, http://www.psychiatricnews.org/pnews/98-07-17/dsm.html.
18 “Panelists Recount Events Leading to Deleting Homosexuality as a Psychiatric Disorder from DSM”, Psychiatric News, accessed July 31, 2013, http://www.psychiatricnews.org/pnews/98-07-17/dsm.html.
19 Ibidem
21 R. R. Reilly, Making Gay Okay: How rationalizing homosexual behavior is changing. Ignatius Press, San Francisco 2014
22 “On May 14, 1970, psychiatrists became the hunted. An invasion by the coalition of “gay” and woman’s liberationists interrupted the national convention of the American Psychiatric Association in San Francisco to protest the reading of a paper by an Australian psychiatrist on the subject of “aversion therapy,”. . . By the time the meeting was over, the feminists and their gay cohorts were in charge. . .” Donn Teal, The Gay Militants (New York: Stein and Day, 1971), 272-73.
23 “We were not polite, we were not quiet, we were not asking for favours, we were just trying to de-legitimise their authority and we felt they were oppressing us, and it was finally a chance to talk back to them.” “81 Words: The Inside Story of Psychiatry and Homosexuality (Part 1 of 2)”, on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Radio National program All in the Mind, August 4, 2007, http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/allinthemind/81-words-the-inside-story-of-psychiatry-and/3246684#transcript.
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25 “We are here to denounce your authority to call us sick or mentally disordered. For us, as homosexuals, your profession is the enemy incarnate. We demand that psychiatrists treat us as human beings, not as patients to be cured!” “The Militant Homosexual”, Newsweek, August 23, 1971, 47.
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38 “81 Words: The Inside Story of Psychiatry and Homosexuality (Part 2 of 2)”, on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Radio National program All in the Mind, August 11, 2007, http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/allinthemind/81-words-the-inside-story-of-psychiatry-and/3228820#transcript.
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39 Ibidem
40 Eric Pollard, “Time to Give Up Fascist Tactics”, Letters to the Editor, Washington Blade, January 31, 1992.
Reilly, Robert. Making Gay Okay: How Rationalizing Homosexual Behavior Is Changing Everything (English Edition) (p.221). Ignatius Press. Edizione del Kindle.
41 “I have helped to create a truly fascist organization. We conspired to bring into existence an activist group that. . . could effectively exploit the media for its own ends, and that would work covertly and break the law with impunity. . . . We subscribed to consciously subversive modes, drawn largely from the voluminous Mein Kampf, which some of us studied as a working model. As ACT-UP/DC grew, we struck intently and surgically into whatever institutions we believed to stand in our way”. Eric Pollard, “Time to Give Up Fascist Tactics”, Letters to the Editor, Washington Blade, January 31, 1992.
42 Kirk M., Madsen H., (1989). After the ball. How America will conquer its fear & hatred of Gays in the 90’s. Doubleday
43 Ibidem
44 Ibidem
45 Ibidem
46 Ibidem
47 81 Words: The Inside Story of Psychiatry and Homosexuality (Part 1 of 2)”, on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Radio National program All in the Mind, August 4, 2007, http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/allinthemind/81-words-the-inside-story-of-psychiatry-and/3246684#transcript.
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R. R. Reilly, Making Gay Okay: How rationalizing homosexual behavior is changing. Ignatius Press, San Francisco 2014
Satinover, (1996). Homosexuality and the Politics of Truth, 35. Grand Rapids, Mich. Baker Books
Jeffrey Weeks, Sexuality and Its Discontents: Meanings, Myths, and Modern Sexualities (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1988), 213, cited in “Chapter Seven: Stonewall and the American Psychiatric Association”, banap.net, February 18, 2013, http://www.banap.net/spip.php?article70.
48 “81 Words: The Inside Story of Psychiatry and Homosexuality (Part 1 of 2)”, on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Radio National program All in the Mind, August 4, 2007, http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/allinthemind/81-words-the-inside-story-of-psychiatry-and/3246684#transcript.
49 “81 Words: The Inside Story of Psychiatry and Homosexuality (Part 1 of 2)”.
50 “… When I was young the family legend was that my grandfather, president of the American Psychiatric Association, single handedly changed the DSM because he was a big-hearted visionary, a man unfettered by prejudice who worked on behalf of the downtrodden. This story was wrong on two counts (a) my grandfather was not president of the American Psychiatric Association in 1973, he was president elect; (b) he didn’t single handedly change anything … It turned out that my grandfather had had gay lovers throughout his life, had even told his wife-to-be that he was homosexual, two weeks before their wedding. And so in 1981 the story that my family told about the definition in the DSM changed dramatically. My grandfather was no longer seen as a purely enlightened visionary but as a closeted homosexual with a very particular agenda.”
Ibidem
51 Ibidem
52 “The young turks were all psychiatrists, all members of the APA and all liberal-minded easterners who had decided to reform the American Psychiatric Association from the inside... They figured that once they got this new breed into office they could fundamentally transform American psychiatry. And one of the things this group was keen to transform was American psychiatry’s approach to homosexuality. “
Ibidem
53 “He had been in the gay life for years but had left the lifestyle. He recounted how after the 1973 APA decision he and his lover, along with a certain very highly placed officer of the APA Board of Trustees and his lover, all sat around the officer’s apartment celebrating their victory. For among the gay activists placed high in the APA who maneuvered to ensure a victory was this man suborning from the top what was presented to both the membership and the public as a disinterested search for truth.”
Satinover J. B. (1996). “Homosexuality and the politics of truth”.
54 Ibidem
55 “As I recall there were evidently closeted gay and lesbian people who were inside the APA who wanted something to happen and I think they just passed along information to us—and somebody got us press passes, I guess, so that we could get through the front door.”
Ibidem
56 Reilly R. R., Making Gay Okay: How rationalizing homosexual behavior is changing. Ignatius Press, San Francisco (2014).
57 “81 Words: The Inside Story of Psychiatry and Homosexuality (Part 2 of 2)”, on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Radio National program All in the Mind, August 11, 2007, http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/allinthemind/81-words-the-inside-story-of-psychiatry-and/3228820#transcript
Reilly R. R., Making Gay Okay: How rationalizing homosexual behavior is changing. Ignatius Press, San Francisco (2014).
58 Ibidem
59 Ibidem
60 Ibidem
61 Ibidem
62 Ibidem
63 Ibidem
64 Ibidem
65 Ibidem
66 Ibidem
67 Ibidem
68 Marchesini R. Omosessualità. (2016).
69 Dettore D. Trattato di psicologia e psicopatologia del comportamento sessuale. Giunti-OS.
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72 Ibidem
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75 Socarides, C. W. (1995). A freedom too far. A psychoanalyst answer 1000 questions about causes and cure and the impact of the gay rights movement on american society.
76 Ibidem
77 Ibidem
78 Bieber I. et al., (1988). Homosexuality: A Psychoanalitic Study. Jason Aronson Inc.
Satinover J. (1996). Homosexuality and the Politics of Truth, 35. Grand Rapids, Mich. Baker Books.
Satinover J. (2005), "The Trojan Couch: How the Mental Health Associations Misrepresent Science.". National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexuality
Socarides, C. W. (1995). A freedom too far. A psychoanalyst answer 1000 questions about causes and cure and the impact of the gay rights movement on american society.
79 Socarides, C. W. (1995). A freedom too far. A psychoanalyst answer 1000 questions about causes and cure and the impact of the gay rights movement on american society.
80 American Psychiatric Association (APA) (1980), DSM III. Manuale diagnostico e statistico dei disturbi mentali, tr. it. Masson, Milano, 1983.
Disturbo 302.0. Cfr. Jack Drescher, Queer diagnoses: parallels and contrasts in the history of homosexuality, gender variance, and the diagnostic and statistical manual, in "Archives of sexual Behavior" n. 39, 2010, pp. 427- 460.
81 Ibidem
82 Ibidem
83 Ibidem
84 http://www.psychiatryonline.com/DSMPPDF/DSMII_Homosexuality_Revision.pdf
http://www.narth.com/docs/spitzerct.html
85 Ibidem
86 http://www.narth.com/docs/spitzerct.html
87 http://www.psychiatryonline.com/DSMPPDF/DSMII_Homosexuality_Revision.pdf
88 Fonte n. 28
89 http://www.narth.com/docs/spitzerct.html
90 Bieber I. et al., (1988). Homosexuality: A Psychoanalitic Study. Jason Aronson Inc.
91 Ronald Bayer, Homosexuality and American Psychiatry (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987)
92 Ibidem
93 “The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of the American Psychiatric Association yielded suddenly and completely to political pressure when in 1973 it removed homosexuality as a treatable aberrant condition. A political firestorm had been created by gay activists within psychiatry, with intense opposition to normalizing homosexuality coming from a few outspoken psychiatrists who were demonized and even threatened, rather than scientifically refuted. Psychiatry’s House of Delegates sidestepped the conflict by putting the matter to a vote of the membership, marking the first time in the history of healthcare that a diagnosis or lack of diagnosis was decided by popular vote rather than scientific evidence.”
Wright R. H., Cummings R. H., eds., Destructive Trends in Mental Health: The Well-intentioned Path to Harm (New York: Routledge, 2005).
94 “gay activism was clearly the force that propelled the APA to declassify homosexuality.”
Simon LeVay, Queer Science: The Use and Abuse of Research into Homosexuality (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996),
95 “the decision of the American Psychiatric Association to delete homosexuality from its published list of sexual disorders in 1973 was scarcely a cool, scientific decision. It was a response to a political campaign fueled by the belief that its original inclusion as a disorder was a reflection of an oppressive politico-medical definition of homosexuality as a problem.”
Jeffrey Weeks, Sexuality and Its Discontents: Meanings, Myths, and Modern Sexualities (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1988), 213, citato in “Chapter Seven: Stonewall and the American Psychiatric Association”, banap.net, Febbraio 18, 2013, http://www.banap.net/spip.php?article70.
96 LAHUSEN: “This was always more of a political decision than a medical decision.” GITTINGS:” It never was a medical decision—and that’s why I think the action came so fast. After all, it was only three years from the time that feminists and gays first zapped the APA at a behavior therapy session to the time that the Board of Trustees voted in 1973 to approve removing homosexuality from the list of mental disorders. It was a political move”.
Citate da Ryan Sorba, “Homosexuality and Mental Health”, Ryan Sorba’s Blog, January 12, 2012, http://ryansorba.blogspot.com/2012/01/homosexuality-and-mental-health.html.
97 American Psychiatric Association. (APA) (1987), DSM III-R. Manuale diagnostico e statistico dei disturbi mentali, tr. it. Masson, Milano, 1988.
Charles W. Socarides, “Sexual Politics and Scientific Logic: The Issue of Homosexuality”, The Journal of Psychohistory (Winter 1992), http://www.kidhistory.org/homopolo.html.
“81 Words: The Inside Story of Psychiatry and Homosexuality (Part 1 of 2)”, on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Radio National program All in the Mind, August 4, 2007, http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/allinthemind/81-words-the-inside-story-of-psychiatry-and/3246684#transcript.
98 Ibidem
99 “Today there’s no entry in the DSM on homosexuality, no entry at all. In 1987 the 237 words that Robert Spitzer wrote about ego-dystonic homosexuality were quietly removed.”
“81 Words: The Inside Story of Psychiatry and Homosexuality (Part 1 of 2)”, on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Radio National program All in the Mind, August 4, 2007, http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/allinthemind/81-words-the-inside-story-of-psychiatry-and/3246684#transcript.
100 “For the next 18 years, the APA decision served as a Trojan horse, opening the gates to widespread psychological and social change in sexual customs and mores. The decision was to be used on numerous occasions for numerous purposes with the goal of normalizing homosexuality and elevating it to an esteemed status.”
Socarides C. W., “Sexual Politics and Scientific Logic: The Issue of Homosexuality”, The Journal of Psychohistory (Winter 1992), http://www.kidhistory.org/homopolo.html.
101 “... The action was all the more remarkable when one considers that it involved the out-of-hand and peremptory disregard and dismissal not only of hundreds of psychiatric and psychoanalytic research papers and reports but also of a number of other serious studies by groups of psychiatrists, psychologists, and educators over the past seventy years … To the psychoanalyst, this was psychiatric folly.”
Socarides C. W., “Sexual Politics and Scientific Logic: The Issue of Homosexuality”, The Journal of Psychohistory (Winter 1992), http://www.kidhistory.org/homopolo.html.
102 “…Supporting the claims of the homosexuals and regarding homosexuality as a normal variant of sexual activity is to deny the social significance of homosexuality. To do this is to give support to the divisive elements in the community. Above all it militates against the family and destroys the function of the latter as the last place in our society where affectivity can still be cultivated. Homosexuals cannot make a society, nor keep ours going for very long. Homosexuality operates against the cohesive elements in society in the name of fictitious freedom. It drives the opposite sex into a similar direction. And no society can long endure when either the child is neglected or when the sexes war upon each other.”
Reilly, Robert. Making Gay Okay: How Rationalizing Homosexual Behavior Is Changing Everything (English Edition) (p.128). Ignatius Press. Edizione del Kindle.
Ibidem
103 “Those who reinforce the disintegrative elements in our society will get no thanks from future generations. The family becomes the ultimate victim of homosexuality, a result which any society can tolerate only within certain limits. If the American Psychiatric Association endorses one of the symptoms of social distress as a normal phenomenon it demonstrates to the public its ignorance of social dynamics, of the relation of personal maladaptation to social disharmony, and thereby acquires a responsibility for aggravating the already existing chaos.”
Brown (2011). A Queer Thing Happened to America: And What a Long, Strange Trip It's Been. Equaltime Books.
104 Reilly, Robert. Making Gay Okay: How Rationalizing Homosexual Behavior Is Changing Everything (English Edition) (pp.127-128). Ignatius Press. Edizione del Kindle.
105 “81 Words: The Inside Story of Psychiatry and Homosexuality (Part 1 of 2)”, on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Radio National program All in the Mind, August 4, 2007, http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/allinthemind/81-words-the-inside-story-of-psychiatry-and/3246684#transcript.
Rodolfo de Mattei. “Dalla sodomia all’omosessaulità. Storia di una “normalizzazione”” (2019). Solfanelli.
M. Kirk, H. Madsen, (1989). After the ball. How America will conquer its fear & hatred of Gays in the 90’s. Doubleday
Reilly R. R., Making Gay Okay: How rationalizing homosexual behavior is changing. Ignatius Press, San Francisco (2014).
Satinover, (1996). Homosexuality and the Politics of Truth, 35. Grand Rapids, Mich. Baker Books.
Socarides C. W., “Sexual Politics and Scientific Logic: The Issue of Homosexuality”, The Journal of Psychohistory (Winter 1992), http://www.kidhistory.org/homopolo.html.
Van den Aardweg G. J. M. “La scienza dice no, l’inganno del matrimonio gay” (2021). Solfanelli.
106 Kirk M., Madsen H., (1989). After the ball. How America will conquer its fear & hatred of Gays in the 90’s. Doubleday
107 Amato G. (2024). 50 domande su famiglia, matrimonio, ideologia di genere e rivendicazioni omosessuali. Youcanprint.
108 Ibidem
109 Dettore D., Parretta A. (2013). Crescere nelle famiglie omosessuali, un approccio psicologico. Carocci.
Faust K., Manning S. (2021). Them before us, why we need a global children’s rights movement. Amazon Italia Logistica S.r.l.
Lerner R., Nagai A. K. (2001). No basis: what the studies don’t tell us about same-sex parenting. Marriage Law Project, Washington, D.C.
Redding, Richard E., It's Really About Sex: Same-Sex Marriage, Lesbigay Parenting, and the Psychology of Disgust (October 14, 2010). Duke Journal of Gender Law & Policy, Vol. 18, pp.101-167, 2008, Villanova Law/Public Policy Research Paper No. 2007-22, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=1025978
Stacey, J., & Biblarz, T. J. (2001). (How) does the sexual orientation of parents matter? American Sociological Review, 66(2), 159–183. https://doi.org/10.2307/2657413
Sullins P., Sample D. (2017). Errors Call Into Question Conclusions Regarding Same-Sex Married Parents: A Comment on “Family Structure and Child Health: Does the Sex Composition of Parents Matter?”. Demography 54, 2375–2383. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-017-0616-9
Wright R. H., Cummings R. H. Destructive Trends in Mental Health: The Well-intentioned Path to Harm (New York: Routledge, 2005),
110 Amato G. (2024). 50 domande su famiglia, matrimonio, ideologia di genere e rivendicazioni omosessuali. Youcanprint.
111 Ibidem
112 Ibidem
113 American Psychology Association, Answer to your questions for a better under standing of sexual orientation & homosexuality. http://www.apa.org/topics/orientation.html
114 Ibidem
115 http://www.who.int/governance/eb/who_constitution_en.pdf
116 Ibidem
117 Amato G. (2024). 50 domande su famiglia, matrimonio, ideologia di genere e rivendicazioni omosessuali. Youcanprint.
118 Ibidem
Thank you for your valuable attention.
Written by Dr. Silvia RiviDr. Silvia Rivi
Il blog di Luca


